Early life and career

Shi Kefa took the imperial examination and obtained a jinshi (進士) degree in 1628. He was appointed as an official in Xi'an, before subsequently serving as a yuanwailang (員外郎) and langzhong (郎中) in the Ministry of Revenue. In 1635 he followed the general Lu Xiangsheng (盧象昇) to suppress peasant revolts throughout the land. Two years later, he was promoted to yushi (御史) on the recommendation of the minister Zhang Guowei, and was also appointed as xunfu (巡撫; a type of regional governor) of Anqing, Luzhou (present-day Hefei), Taiping (near present-day Wuhu City), Chizhou (池州), and various counties in Henan, Jiangxi and Huguang provinces. In 1641, he was put in charge of the Caoyun system. In the seventh month of 1643, he was appointed as Grand Secretary of the Ministry of War in Nanjing.

Serving the Southern Ming dynasty

In the third lunar month of 1644, rebel forces led by Li Zicheng captured the Ming capital Beijing and the Chongzhen Emperor committed suicide. The following month, Wu Sangui defected to the Qing dynasty and opened Shanhai Pass, allowing the Qing armies to seize control of Beijing from Li Zicheng's rebel forces and overrun most of northern China.

When news of the Chongzhen Emperor's death reached Nanjing, there was much debate on who would be the new Ming emperor. Even though Shi Kefa was effectively the leader of the Ming loyalists in Nanjing, he was unable to make a decision on the issue. In the fifth lunar month, Fengyang's Viceroy, Ma Shiying, and others supported the prince Zhu Yousong to take the throne, and Zhu became the Hongguang Emperor of the Southern Ming dynasty. For his effort, Ma Shiying won the appreciation of Hongguang and replaced Shi Kefa as the effective head of government.

In the face of Li Zicheng's rebel forces and the Qing armies, Shi Kefa advocated the policy of allying with Qing to eliminate the rebels first, then drive the Qing forces back north. However, the officials in the Southern Ming imperial court were disunited as they were more interested in pursuing their personal interests. The Southern Ming dynasty gradually weakened under the pressure of internal political struggle and the resignation of several officials.

After losing his influence in the imperial court, Shi Kefa requested to be dispatched north to supervise defenses on the northern border. Due to internal conflict among the Ming generals along the border, Shi Kefa was unable to establish a strong defense.

In the fourth lunar month of 1645, Zuo Liangyu (左良玉) led an army from Wuhan to attack Ma Shiying and Ruan Dacheng (阮大鋮). Ma Shiying ordered Shi Kefa to set up defenses at the northern border to resist Zuo Liangyu from the east. Zuo Liangyu was eventually defeated by Huang Degong while his army surrendered. Xuyi also surrendered to Qing and Sizhou (present-day Tianchang) fell to Qing. Shi Kefa moved back to Yangzhou and continued resisting the Qing invaders there.

Defence of Yangzhou

In the fifth lunar month of 1645, Qing forces led by the Manchu prince Dodo besieged Yangzhou. Shi Kefa sent a messenger to request reinforcements. His subordinate Liu Zeqing escaped north to Huai'an, while only Liu Zhaoji came to Shi Kefa's aid.

The Qing regent Dorgon wrote to Shi Kefa, asking for his surrender, but Shi declined. Shi Kefa's response, titled Reply to Dorgon's letter (復多爾袞書), was noted for its neither servile nor overbearing tone, and was circulated among later generations.

Subsequently, Shi Kefa entrusted his subordinate Shi Dewei (史德威), whom he had adopted as a godson, with his funeral arrangements, saying that he wished to be buried at Plum Blossom Ridge (梅花嶺) after his death.

On the 24th day, Qing armies bombarded Yangzhou with cannon fire and the city fell that night. Shi Kefa attempted suicide by slitting his throat but failed. He then ordered Shi Dewei to kill him but Shi Dewei tearfully refused and did not dare to look up at his godfather. Shi Kefa then shouted "I'm Military Inspector Shi. Quickly kill me!" and was captured as a prisoner-of-war. Dodo tried to persuade Shi Kefa to surrender and serve him, saying, "Previously we sent you a letter politely asking for your surrender, but you refused. Now that you've fulfilled your loyalty and righteousness, you should take on a new important responsibility – help me conquer Jiangnan." Shi Kefa replied, "I fall together with the city. My decision will not change. Even if I'm torn to pieces, my feelings will be as sweet as maltose. But do not harm the thousands of lives in Yangzhou!" Shi Kefa was then executed.

Dodo was infuriated by the heavy casualties sustained by his army in conquering Yangzhou so he ordered that the entire city be put to the sword (the event is known as the Yangzhou massacre). Twelve days after Shi Kefa's death, his remains could not be found. A year later in 1646, Shi Dewei buried Shi Kefa's headdress and garments at Plum Blossom Ridge outside the Tianning Gate of Yangzhou. The Qing writer Quan Zuwang (全祖望) later wrote the Tale of Plum Blossom Ridge to describe the event.

The Shi Kefa Memorial, a shrine devoted to the memory of Shi Kefa, is located in present-day Yangzhou.

Calligraphy

Shi Kefa was said to have been an individual of great energy and integrity, qualities reflected in his calligraphy, frequently in cursive and semi-cursive style. Shi Kefa's calligraphy is of the late Ming period style among other Ming literati, with a preference for long compositions in a flourishing manner.

生平

崇禎年間

史可法祖父史應元，官至黃平知州；父親史從質，母親尹氏。相傳尹氏懷孕時，夢到文天祥進入她的房間，于是生下史可法。史可法早年師從左光斗。天啟七年（1627年）主考郭都賢取為舉人，崇禎元年（1628年）聯捷進士，授西安府推官。歷任戶部員外郎，郎中。

崇禎八年（1635年），史可法任右參議，負責鎮守池州、太平。同年秋，隨盧象昇鎮壓各地民變，史可法任副使，巡行安慶、池州等地，監江北軍隊。黃梅地區民變軍隊搶掠宿松、潛山、太湖等地，意圖進犯安慶，史可法率軍打敗了民變軍，並追擊到潛山天堂寨。第二年，祖寬在滁州擊敗民變軍，變軍退到河南。

崇禎九年（1636年）十二月，變民軍領袖馬守應聯合羅汝才、李萬慶自鄖陽東下，史可法駐軍太湖，阻礙變民軍的進攻通道。次年正月，變民軍繞道攻至安慶石牌，很快轉移到桐城，被參將潘可大擊退。變民軍又被廬州、鳳陽等地軍隊阻遏，返回桐城搶掠。桐城知縣陳爾銘固守城池，史可法與潘可大圍剿變民軍。變民軍退至廬江，進犯潛山，在楓香驛被史可法與左良玉擊敗。另據《明季北略》引述桐城人的說法，史可法曾率部馳援桐城，被圍困在鹿耳城，但被桐城縣令楊爾銘所救。

崇禎十年（1637年），由于變民軍強大，威脅南京，史可法被張國維推薦升任右僉都御史，巡撫安慶，廬州，太平，池州及河南江西湖廣諸府縣。此後，變民軍占領和州、含山、定遠、六合等地，進犯天長、盱眙。史可法奏報請求免除上述地方的田租。當時監軍僉事湯開遠善于打擊變民軍，史可法又東西馳援，變民軍不敢正面交鋒。到第二年，由于未能按時平定民變，朝廷命令他戴罪立功。史可法身材短小精悍，面孔黝黑，雙目炯然有光。他具備廉潔守信的名聲，能與部下同甘共苦。行軍途中，士兵沒有吃飽自己就不先吃，士兵衣服沒發下自己決不先穿，所以士兵都願意為他出力。此後，他的軍隊相繼在英山、六合兩地打敗變民軍，順天王也乞求投降。

崇禎十二年（1639年）夏，史可法因岳父去世離職。除下喪服後，出任戶部右侍郎兼右僉都御史，接替朱大典總督漕運。他彈劾罷免了三個督糧道，增設漕儲道一人，大力疏通南河，使漕務大有整治。崇禎十六年（1643年）七月，史可法拜南京兵部尚書，參贊機務。在此期間，史可法奏上八條改革意見。

南明建立

崇禎十七年（1644年）三月李自成進攻北京，史可法誓師勤王。渡江抵達浦口後，得到崇禎帝自縊駕崩的消息，史可法向北痛哭失聲，以頭撞柱，血流到腳上。時史可法任南京兵部尚書，為留都百官之首，當南方官員得知崇禎皇帝自害駕崩，對於擁立新君有所爭議時，史可法卻未能當機立斷。當時，史可法收到了張慎言、呂大器、姜曰廣等人的文書：「福王朱由崧是神宗的孫子，按輩份、排行應當立為君王，但是他有七大缺點：貪、淫、酗酒、不孝、虐待下屬、不讀書、幹預官吏。潞王朱常淓是神宗的侄兒，賢良而且聰明，應當立他為君。」史可法也認為如此，更加上東林黨人國本之爭時支持泰昌帝，與福王一脈頗有過節。但鳳陽總督馬士英暗地與阮大鋮商議，主張立福王朱由崧，並致書史可法稱論倫理、論次序都應當擁立福王。史可法告訴他們朱由崧的七個缺點，但馬士英聯合了操江提督誠意伯劉孔昭、鎮將劉澤清、劉良佐、高傑、黃得功等人，發兵護送朱由崧到儀真，史可法不得已，只好前去迎接。

五月初一，朱由崧拜謁孝陵、奉先殿，出居于內守備府。群臣入內朝見，朱由崧羞慚想要躲避。史可法勸他不必躲避，應該正式接受。朝拜結束，商議戰守之事。史可法說應該穿上素服駐紮郊外，調發軍隊北伐，向天下百姓表示必定報仇之意。朱由崧答應。五月初三，朱由崧監國於南京，在誠意伯劉孔昭的幹預下，馬士英成為朝中首輔大臣。此後，史可法拜禮部尚書兼東閣大學士，仍掌兵部事，馬士英仍督師鳳陽。隨機，制定京城營建制度，如同北京時期典制，侍衛以及錦衣衛等軍隊，全部入伍操練。錦衣東、西兩司房，以及南、北兩鎮撫司官，不再設置，以杜絕告密，安定人心。

馬士英帶兵入朝，將史可法所說的七不可告發給朱由崧，上奏後即離去。史可法于是請求統帥軍隊，外出鎮守淮安、揚州兩地。朱由崧稱帝後，史可法加太子太保，改兵部尚書、武英殿大學士，馬士英也正式進入朝廷。史可法離開後，馬士英、劉孔昭等更加肆無忌憚。劉孔昭因為張慎言推舉吳甡，在大殿上持刀追殺張慎言。史可法聽說此事派騎兵上書勸解，劉孔昭最終卡住不讓任用吳甡。史可法祭陵完後，上書說：

明朝此時處在滿清、闖軍兩方面壓力之下，史可法為首的諸臣，主要採取的策略是「聯虜平寇」。希望能夠借重滿清的力量，首先剿滅流寇李自成勢力，再謀求後續打算。然而南明朝中卻不能同仇敵愾，反而仍舊黨爭不斷，文、武官員之間互相勾心鬥角、爭權奪利。東林黨人與馬士英、阮大鋮之間的矛盾，以及姜曰廣、高弘圖、劉宗周等人的辭官，說明了明朝廷的無法齊心向外，也因此種下弘光朝敗亡的原因。崇禎十七年七月二十八日，多爾袞致書史可法，揚言「聯闖平南」，而史可法在給多爾袞回信中只是為弘光朝廷繼統的合法進行辯解，沒有拿出對付清軍的辦法。九月，清河道總督楊方興勸說多爾袞要不惜一切代價奪取江南地區。而此時清廷對南明政權態度也發生轉變，多爾袞致書史可法，書信格式有如諭旨。以正統自居，否認弘光朝廷的合法地位，要求南明君臣無條件投降。並說清朝得天下於李闖，並且為明朝報仇，希望南明能感恩戴德，南明的殘餘勢力應該盡早投降清兵，否則即將滅亡

督師江北

史可法失勢之後自請督師江北，前往揚州統籌劉澤清、劉良佐、高傑、黃得功等江北四鎮軍務機宜。當時，黃得功、劉澤清、高傑爭著想要駐軍揚州。高傑率兵先到揚州邊界，一路大肆姦淫擄掠，所經之地尸橫遍野。城中開始懼怕，登上女牆守備，高傑攻打了兩個月。劉澤清也在淮上大肆掠奪。臨淮不接納劉良佐的軍隊，也遭到攻擊。朝廷命令史可法前往勸解，黃得功、劉良佐、劉澤清都聽從命令，于是，到高傑那裡去。高傑一向懼怕史可法，聽說史可法要來，他連夜掘出近百個土坑埋葬地面上的尸骸。第二天早上來到軍營中拜見史可法，汗流浹背。可法卻坦誠地接待他，跟他的偏將講話也用溫和的語氣，高傑喜出望外，然而從這以後他也有點輕視史可法，開始用自己的優勢兵力防護左右，文檄也一定自己過目後才肯傳遞。史可法簡單地把他們的情況上報給朱由崧，又把他的兵力駐守在瓜洲，高傑對此又非常高興。等他離去後，揚州得以安定下來，史可法于是在揚州開設府署。

六月，清軍打敗李自成，山東等地人民殺死李自成任命的官員，占據城堡自衛。史可法請求朱由崧頒發稱監國和稱帝時分別頒布的兩個詔書，安撫山東、河北軍隊和百姓的思想。並開設禮賢館，招收各地有才智的人，讓監紀推官應廷吉主管此事。八月，史可法外出巡視淮安，檢閱劉澤清的兵馬。返回揚州，向朝廷請求糧餉，作為進取北方的費用。馬士英不肯送發，史可法上疏催促。同時上言說：「近來人才日益減少，入官門路日益混亂，由此慕名之心勝而務實之心少，議論的事情很多但成功的事情很少。現在的局勢更和以往不同。一定要專心于討伐亂賊，報複國讎才行。除卻籌兵籌餉不應有什麼別的議論，除卻治兵治餉沒有人才之可言。如有撿拾空虛詞句，謀取高官厚祿的人，有罰無赦！」朱由崧對史可法表示鼓勵。

九月初一，黃得功與高傑交戰，靠著史可法的協調才得以和解。北京原來投降李自成的大臣們此時紛紛南下回朝，可法上書建議說：「原籍在北方的大臣，應該讓他們到吏部、兵部聽候錄用，否則恐怕會使他們南下回朝之心絕滅。」又說：

朝廷經議論聽取了他的意見。十月，高傑率領軍隊北上，史可法到清江浦，派遣官吏在開封屯田，為經略中原地區做準備。各鎮兵力劃分防守地區。從王家營向北到宿遷一帶由史可法親自負責。同月，清廷致書史可法要求他投降，但史可法回信委婉拒絕。十一月四日，史可法乘船駐于鶴鎮，得知清軍已進入宿遷地區，史可法率兵進抵白洋河，命令總兵官劉肇基前往支援。清軍回頭攻打邳州，劉肇基又援助當地駐軍，與清軍相持半個月才解邳州之圍。當時，李自成逃往陝西，史可法請求頒布討賊詔書，奏章中說：

史可法每次寫好奏章，必定一遍又一遍地朗讀，自己聲淚俱下，身邊的人聽了也感動得流下眼淚。弘光元年（1645年）初，史可法親自安排高傑率軍北上河南，意圖協助清軍討伐李自成。高傑到達睢州後，為河南總兵許定國所殺。高傑死後，其部大亂，而黃得功又想藉機吞併高部。史可法于是親自到高部善後，任命高傑的外甥總兵李本身當提督，統領高傑的部隊，任命胡茂順為中軍提督，李成棟做徐州總兵。期間高傑的妻子求史可法收高傑之子為義子，但為史可法所拒。其後，史可法放棄徐州，退保揚州。

弘光元年（1645年）四月，左良玉率數十萬兵力，由武漢舉兵東下，要清君側、「除馬阮」。當時，史可法移軍駐泗州，保護明朝祖陵。馬士英竟詘史可法盡撤江防之兵以防左良玉，史可法只得兼程入援，抵燕子磯，以致淮防空虛。左良玉為黃得功所敗，及後左良玉嘔血身亡，全軍降清；史可法奉命北返，此時盱眙降清，泗州城陷。史可法遂至揚州，繼續抗清。

揚州殉國

四月，清豫親王多鐸兵圍揚州。當時，有謠傳稱許定國軍要來殲滅高家軍，揚州城中士民全都砸壞城門外出逃命，大小船隻為之一空。史可法傳檄諸鎮發兵援救，劉澤清逃，北遁淮安。僅劉肇基等少數兵至，防守見絀。十八日，清軍兵臨城下。當清軍初至時，劉肇基建議趁清軍立足未穩，率眾出擊，但為史可法所拒。十九日，史可法於揚州西門樓寫下四道遺書給他的家人，在他死後，希望夫人和他一起以身殉國，願歸葬鐘山明太祖孝陵之側。二十一日，總兵官李棲鳳、監軍副使高岐鳳投降清軍，史可法也未採取措施加以制止，城中力量更加單薄。

此時多爾袞勸降，命文膽李雯寫下《致史相國書》勸降，史可法致《復多爾袞書》（可能是侯方域捉刀）拒降。副將史德威隨可法有年，可法納德威為義子，託以後事；二十四日清軍以紅夷大炮攻城。入夜，揚州城破，史可法自刎不死，眾人擁下城樓，大呼曰：「我史督師也！」被俘。多鐸勸降他：「前以書謁請，而先生不從。今忠義既成，當畀重任，為我收拾江南。」但史可法表示：「我來此，祗索一死耳！」後壯烈就義，終年45歲。總兵劉肇基、驍將馬應魁、幕僚何剛、炮隊專家陳于階等皆遇難。

多鐸因清軍攻打揚州傷亡甚大，攻陷揚州後惱羞成怒下令屠城，稱「揚州十日」。史可法死後十二日，遺體不知下落。順治三年（1646年）史德威將其衣冠葬于揚州城天甯門外梅花嶺。史可法死後，各地有許多號稱是史可法的抗清軍隊，所以當時有史可法未死的說法。後來全祖望曾寫《梅花嶺記》描述此事。

評價

正面評價

《欽定勝朝殉節諸臣錄》：「節秉清剛，心存幹濟，危顛難救，正直不回。」

《明史》：「史可法憫國步多艱，忠義奮發，提兵江滸，以當南北之衝，四鎮棋布，聯絡聲援，力圖興複。然而天方降割，權臣掣肘于內，悍將跋扈于外，遂致兵頓餉竭，疆圉曰蹙，孤城不保，志決身殲，亦可悲矣！高弘圖、姜曰廣皆蘊忠謀，協心戮力，而扼于權奸，不安其位。蓋明祚傾移，固非區區一二人之所能挽也。」

溫睿臨：「南渡之初，所恃者，史閣部一人而已。其餘安守故常，不達時務，自謂清流。而小人鴟張滿朝，相與排詆，樹寇門庭；強臣悍將，因之擁兵安坐，遙制朝命。閣部奔走撫輯，內攘不給，何暇計疆場以外乎！迨夫左鎮稱兵，藩籬盡撤，王師長驅而入，所向投戈；烽鏑未及乎國門，君相已棄其社稷而遯.此即睢陽堅御，何補敗亡；況乎以一隅當百萬之眾哉！攬後之應廷吉論，亦足以明天命之不祚矣。雖有忠貞，豈能回天？悲夫！余所以讀閣部之疏而慘乎有餘慟焉爾。」

郭沫若：「騎鶴樓頭，難忘十日；梅花嶺畔，共仰千秋。」

前中共中央總書記江澤民曾多次用史可法借喻中國烈士，2011年4月，為紀念其叔父江上青誕辰100周年，江澤民寫下《滿江紅·江上青百年誕辰祭》，詞中寫道：「史嶺紅梅花瀝血，蘆溝曉月天飛鶴。」

負面評價

夏完淳：「史道鄰清操有餘而才變不足。」、「用兵將略非道鄰所長。」

鄭廉：「為人廉謹無大略，特治世之良臣，遇變則信國、疊山儔耳。其于駕馭籠絡，應機濟變，非其所長。」

孫靜庵：「史公好賢而不能擇，用人而不能任，外無良將，內無智士，是豈撥亂才耶？」

顧誠等近代學者批評史可法在軍事戰略、戰術上昏聵無能、誤國誤民。以史氏為首的弘光朝廷文臣還幻想聯合清軍剿滅農民軍（聯虜平寇），為清軍長驅直入大開方便之門。其後清軍兵分三路，揮師南下時，史可法竟朝令夕改，可謂進退失據、戰守皆廢。經營一年有餘的揚州城，只一天時間便被清軍攻破。

2017年8月底，台灣發生國文課綱所規範的文言文與白話文比例之爭。為此，台中一中的導師許全義投書媒體，引用《左忠毅公逸事》裡面：「崇禎末，流賊張獻忠出沒蘄、黃、潛、桐間，史公以鳳廬道奉檄守禦，每有警，輒數月不就寢，使將士更休，而自坐幄幕外，擇健卒十人，令二人蹲踞，而背倚之，漏鼓移，則番代。」的一段話，認為睡覺是生命所必需的。睡眠不足的人在接觸新工作時會表現很差，同時在處理新信息時也會很沒效率，被長期剝奪睡眠的動物會產生休克的現象，甚至死亡。直言難怪史可法會在戰場上失利。更痛批史可法「而自坐幄幕外，擇健卒十人，令二人蹲踞，而背倚之，漏鼓移，則番代。」的作法，並指出蹲踞動作對膝蓋的壓力極大，約為體重的8-15倍，遠高於跑步，約為體重的3-4倍。史可法要兩位將士深蹲兩個小時，騰出背來，供他休息，根本是在糟蹋人，很有可能造成將士膝蓋的耗損，導致戰力歸零。